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The Traore effect: Rethinking African agency

Opinion & Analysis
The 2022 ascendancy of Captain Ibrahim Traore to the throne in Burkina Faso could be a useful starting point in recalibrating the discourses of Africa’s agency in the continent’s international relations and diplomacy.

THE 2022 ascendancy of Captain Ibrahim Traore to the throne in Burkina Faso could be a useful starting point in recalibrating the discourses of Africa’s agency in the continent’s international relations and diplomacy.

For the umpteenth time, Africa has not really been considered an equal partner on the global stage and is always forced to adhere to norms, principles and standards set by others. 

It is for this reason that the impactful reign of Traore should be perceived from a perspective of an attempt and potential of Africa in asserting agency within the global politics and economics discourses. Traore is not merely leading a nation, he is advancing Pan-Africanism, decolonisation and anti-colonialism. This, in essence, is a legacy, towering figures like Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Emperor Haile Selassie, among many others, left for us in Africa.

Before Traore, Burkina Faso grappled with persistent insecurity from jihadist insurgencies, deep-seated French influence over its economy, security apparatus and political instability. The immediate shift under Traore involved expelling French troops, asserting sovereign control over natural resources and reorienting foreign policy.

This move directly challenges long-standing French hegemony and represents a potent assertion of African self-determination. 

The expulsion of French troops, nationalisation of gold mines and the dramatic exit alongside Mali and Niger from the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) are the cornerstones of the Traore Doctrine, all in pursuit of a single goal — decolonisation. 

In a significant move made in September 2025, the doctrine was further solidified. 

AES announced a synchronised withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC), denouncing its tool of geopolitical influence that unfairly targets African leaders. 

ICC has been notorious for targeting African States, leaving its pursuit of international justice questionable, given the selective approach to international law. 

Hence, the withdrawal from ICC by AES marks another deliberate step away from Western-led international institutions, further asserting collective sovereignty. 

African agency is manifested through actions, as they are direct and tangible, a conscious effort to define a political and economic path independent of external dictates.

Withdrawal from ICC is, therefore, seen by supporters as a prime example of ejecting French colonial encroachment in its former colony ­— Burkina Faso. The Pan-African inspiration is one of the ‘beings’ where it is important to bring back a sense of identity and belonging among Burkinabe and also Africans. 

It is a reclaiming of mental and cultural space, telling Africans that their way of being and governing is valid. The potential job creation and formation of Volunteers for the Defence of Homeland is of significance as citizens display a form of organic patriotism, which has been eroded in many African States due to dictatorships or authoritarian States, despite being proclaimed as democratic. 

Notably, the powerful assertion of African agency has led to a palpable sense of positive change among Burkinabe and inspired the wider African motherland. 

Despite its assertive aims, Traore’s doctrine carries significant consequences. 

The move fractures regional cohesion within Ecowas, creating a new bloc whose economic and security priorities 

are now decoupled from its neighbours.

 

This decoupling has immediate tangible costs, such as trade routes being disrupted, hurting not only the Sahel States, but also coastal nations like Ghana and Togo, with ripple effects across the entire West African economy. 

Traoré has tried by all means to decrease the insurgency, but volumes are skyrocketing out of control, with major displacement and jihadist violence risking the lives of citizens, specifically women and children. 

The military rule of Traore can be critiqued as it is viewed as authoritarian, based on his arbitrary removal of elections and suppression of dissenting citizens. 

The fundamental question is whether Burkina Faso will always be dependent. A major question mark as Burkina Faso transitions from French to Russian as it partners Wagner Group, now rebranded as Africa Corps, strongly suggesting that Burkina Faso’s sovereignty will come at a cost. 

Traoré’s doctrine is a monumental shift not just for Burkina Faso but for Africa as a whole. Despite excessive criticism and assassination attempts, he has paved the way for positivism in Africa, restoring a profound sense of belonging and identity across the continent. 

African solidarity with Traore is, therefore, imperative.

However, this solidarity must be paired with a commitment to building stronger institutions and fostering genuine regional co-operation free from the interference of the global north. 

The liberation of Africa, exemplified by Burkina Faso’s current path, requires both support and clear-eyed critique.

The central question remains: will the Traore Doctrine stand strong in 10 years or will it be remembered as another failed coup ending in his overthrow? 

We will never truly know, but at the moment, it is important to give him his flowers and recognise the monumental work and effort he invested in rebuilding a nation's spirit and providing a sense of progression, asserting sovereignty for Burkina Faso and the rest of Africa.

Only time will tell. 

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