THE painful irony of Africa's liberation movements morphing into the very systems they once fought against presents one of the continent's most profound political paradoxes.
As we witness Tanzania's recent descent into electoral authoritarianism, with President Samia Suluhu Hassan's implausible 98% victory margin, we are compelled to confront an uncomfortable truth: the revolutionary spirit that once ignited the continent's independence struggle has been systematically corrupted by the very institutions it birthed.
The transformation of liberation movements to oppressive governing structures follows an almost predictable pattern across Africa.
Zimbabwe's Zanu PF, Tanzania's CCM, South Africa's ANC and Mozambique's FRELIMO share a common trajectory — the gradual abandonment of revolutionary principles in favour of power preservation.
This betrayal of founding ideals raises fundamental questions about the nature of power itself and the complexity of transitioning from liberation movements to governing parties.
The revolutionary giants who led Africa's independence struggles understood that liberation was not merely about replacing white faces with black ones in the corridors of power.
Julius Nyerere's vision of ujamaa emphasised social justice and collective prosperity. Nelson Mandela's rainbow nation dream transcended racial boundaries to embrace inclusive democracy.
Kenneth Kaunda's humanist philosophy sought to balance individual rights with communal responsibilities. Yet their successors have often reduced these nuanced ideologies to simplistic narratives of permanent revolution against perpetual enemies.
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Zimbabwe's post-2000 experience provides a telling example. The land reform programme, while addressing a genuine historical injustice, became a vehicle for political patronage and economic devastation. The liberation narrative was weaponised to justify violence against opposition supporters, with Zanu PF claiming a monopoly on patriotism and revolutionary credentials. The same pattern emerged in South Africa, where the ANC's struggle credentials have increasingly been used to deflect criticism of corruption and governance failures.
The fundamental question remains: why do liberation movements betray their founding principles? The answer lies partly in what political scientist Claude Ake termed the "revolutionary trap" — the difficulty of transitioning from a mindset of resistance to one of governance. Liberation movements are structured around opposition to an enemy, but governing requires compromise, inclusion, and the acceptance of criticism. When these movements fail to evolve, they begin to manufacture enemies to justify their continued hold on power.
Moreover, preservation of power becomes an end in itself, justified through a distorted reading of history. Revolutionary credentials are transformed from a responsibility to serve to a right to rule. The sacrificial narrative becomes a shield against accountability, with any challenge to the ruling party's authority branded as a threat to national sovereignty. This phenomenon was evident in the late Robert Mugabe's famous declaration that "the gun leads politics," a complete inversion of the democratic principles that underpinned the liberation struggle.
The solution to this crisis requires a fundamental reimagining of revolutionary principles for contemporary Africa. First, liberation movements must recognise that their historical legitimacy cannot substitute for effective governance. The continent needs a new revolutionary ethos that emphasises economic emancipation, technological advancement and social justice while preserving the gains of political independence.
Second, Africa must develop new metrics for measuring revolutionary success.
Rather than military victories or historical sacrifices, these metrics should focus on human development, democratic participation and economic empowerment. The true revolution of our time lies in creating societies where citizens can realise their full potential, not in maintaining the power of a privileged political class.
Third, constitutional frameworks must be strengthened to prevent the personalisation of power. The example of Botswana shows how traditional African values can be harmonised with modern democratic principles to create stable, prosperous societies. The regular peaceful transfer of power in that country demonstrates that revolutionary principles can evolve without being abandoned.
As Zimbabwe approaches its own political crossroads, the lessons from Tanzania and other African nations become increasingly relevant. The challenge is not to discard the liberation heritage but to reinterpret it for a new generation. The revolutionary spirit that drove the independence struggle must be channelled into building institutions that serve all citizens, not just those who claim historical legitimacy.
The continent requires courage, the courage to admit that yesterday's solutions cannot solve today's problems. Africa's liberation movements must undergo their own liberation, freeing themselves from the constraints of outdated ideologies while preserving their core commitment to justice and equality. Only then can the continent truly realise the dreams of its founding revolutionaries, creating societies where freedom means more than simply replacing one form of oppression with another.
The time has come for Africa's revolutionary parties to revolutionise themselves to prove that they can be vehicles of continuous transformation rather than obstacles to progress. The alternative is to become what
French philosopher Raymond Aron called "museums of revolution" — institutions that preserve the memory of change while resisting its reality.
