MODERN political science recognises that social systems are founded on definite historical origins. If the saying “out of nothing, nothing comes” is true, then it must follow that the future is formed and derives its first impulse in the womb of the present. All societies, therefore, necessarily bear the imprint, the birthmarks of their own past. Thabo Mbeki (1978)
Introduction
In the statement above, the former President of independent South Africa and father of the African Renaissance reminds us that, beyond its structural existence, the nation is a product of history. Similarly, unity—or the absence of it—is shaped by historical forces, serving either as a tool for national mobilisation or a trigger for retribution
Further to this, Mondlane (1969: 101) writes:
The source of national unity is the common suffering during the last fifty years spent under effective Portuguese (colonial) rule. The nationalist assertion did not rise out of a stable community, in history, a linguistic, territorial, economic and cultural unity. In Mozambique, it was colonial domination that produced the territorial community and created the basis for a psychological coherence, founded on the experience of discrimination, exploitation, forced labour, and other such aspects of colonial rule.
The presented anti-colonial character of Mozambique is not so different from that of Zimbabwe and the rest of post-colonial Africa. I draw notes from Mondlane (1968) of Mozambique and Mbeki (1978) of South Africa to illustrate the discursive universality of the African liberation/national questions. In so doing, I hypothesise that Zimbabwe is not immune to trends experienced in other Southern-African countries or Africa at large. Given Mbeki’s (1978)’ view, history must remind us of the value of colonialism in necessitating unity among the oppressed in Africa to reclaim their power. Even in post-independence, African States’ desire for unity was based on the continued historical commitment to dismantle remnants of colonialism in Africa.
Post-colonial turmoil and the path to peace
Foreign-induced unconstitutional appetites to overthrow sitting heads of State caused widespread conflict across the entire continent. Zimbabwe was not spared from this experience, hence the instability experienced throughout the country in the early 80s. This moment of crisis was neutralised by the Unity Accord signed between the late founding luminaries of our independence, the late Dr Joshua Nkomo and Cde Robert Gabriel Mugabe.
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The Unity Accord, signed 38 years ago today, encouraged the unity of Zimbabwe’s two main national liberation movements, namely PF Zapu and Zanu. This agreement declared war on tribalism and advanced harmony among the people of Zimbabwe. This cemented a lasting patriotic consciousness that binds all of us, one unto the other.
A blossoming legacy of unity
Comparatively speaking, Zimbabwe has achieved broad-based aspects of national unity as envisaged by the terms of the 1987 peace pact. Since then, Zimbabwe has not experienced a major conflict. Interval disturbances have occurred, but not to the extent of public security collapses witnessed elsewhere in Africa. The proliferation of devolution, State-financed support to national peace and reconciliation, regional balancing in terms of public office representation is a sample of the organic implementation of unity as a bedrock of nation-building. Nationhood as a product of history and unity reminds all of us to contribute to inclusive development, which is hinged on clear principles of a shared and common destiny. This is why December 22 is important on our national calendar.
While remarkable milestones in terms of achieving long-lasting unity have been realised, Zanu PF’s unity as an institutional agent of nation-building is key in guaranteeing national peace and prosperity. The recently held Zanu PF National People’s Conference demonstrated that continued sense of unity and underscored the sustained stability of our state affairs.
Therefore, this year’s Unity Day celebrations are a crucial point of reflection for those of us who are loyally desirous of the longevity of Zanu PF — not as a political party, but as an ideological and institutional force of nurturing Zimbabwe’s permanent national interests against colonial predations. With this in mind, all progressive Zimbabweans must be messengers of unity. This pragmatic position is influenced by challenges encountered by other liberation movements throughout the region in their fight for survival under very violent neo-colonial conditions.
These challenges range from electoral self-assaults, electoral credibility, violence, superficial ideological contradictions, and lack of self-rebranding for sustained relevance among a wide assortment of issues. These matters are discussed here in light of recommending how Zimbabwe’s liberation movement — Zanu PF should avoid the entrapments of disunity experienced elsewhere in the region.
Electoral self-assaults
2024 was marked by significant democratic milestones in the region, with Botswana, South Africa, and Mozambique each holding national elections These elections had a lasting impact in terms of re-ordering of power in Southern Africa, hence the importance of this observation a year later. Elections as a door into or out of power underscore the value of unity within liberation movements. The local and central government election rejection of the Botswana Democratic Party shows how much political parties must remain true to the ideas that brought them into power. When they fail to do so, the same door they entered into power with is the same door they eventually use to exit power.
In the case of South Africa, vitriolic discourses of corruption linked to cadres in the African National Congress (ANC) continue to dominate the public discourse. Not that corruption should be condoned. In fact, progressive societies must fight corruption by all means necessary. However, something is deeply wrong when public platforms are used by party cadres to weaponise corruption against their own colleagues. How do members of the same party become opponents in the first place? And if they cannot foster unity at home, why should they be trusted to mobilise the nation? It makes little sense for parties focused on consolidating power to spend time speculating on corruption within their ranks. If this is the case, what then is left for opposition political commissars to do?
Electoral credibility
The example of South Africa’s internal contradictions within the ANC leads to another key point. The electorate doesn’t have confidence in political parties that are not confident in observing their own integrity standards. This explains the decline of the ANC in the last election. Liberation movements must remember that they share a unique history, one which distinguishes their existential character from that of opposition political parties whose rise has been mostly Western-determined and controlled, except for a few endogenous opposition formations.
Identity crisis
With a bleached ideological complexion, nationalist movements risk wanting to adopt the identity of the enemy. By giving postures affirming Western validation standards, liberation movements are not only losing the identity that connects them with their electorate, but they are losing the very same image that attracted masses to their cause. When identity contrasts take centre stage, parties fracture, votes split, and nationalist movements risk importing and embracing Western-backed opposition narratives
Why unity?
While the case of South Africa and Botswana almost presented a gloomy scenario, there is still hope in the unity of the ANC. That way, it will be easy to regain the lost political control, which resulted in a coalition government in 2024. However, Mozambique’s ruling FRELIMO presents us with a refreshing perspective of what unity within nationalist movements can do to promote their increased stay in power. Similarly, the CCM’s election victory in Tanzania underscores this point. Yet, the legacy of violence associated with electoral processes in Tanzania and Mozambique highlights the urgent need to strengthen social cohesion to prevent post-election unrest
Why do the regional case studies matter?
As Zimbabwe celebrates its milestone of unity, it must be noted that the country’s national liberation movement (Zanu PF) has been stable in terms of consolidating power as a united force. The resolutions of the 22nd Zanu PF Annual National People’s Conference underscore this view.
However, the valuable lessons of the failures of other nationalist movements in terms of consolidating unity and sometimes their lack of ideological clarity should signpost Zanu PF not to repeat the ‘mistake of disunity’ and ideological ambiguity noted within the Sadc neighbourhood. Zanu PF must be a trusted lead facilitator of national unity and break all barriers to unity, peace and development. As we mark this important day in our national memory, we must remember that true prosperity is driven by unity. By learning from the mistakes of other African nations, we can continually reform and strengthen the bonds that keep our people united
Richard Runyararo Mahomva is a political scientist and adjunct lecturer in the Department of Governance and Public Management at the University of Zimbabwe
