THERE are various forms of activism, which are shaping up in Zimbabwe beyond the lexical definition of social movement or traditional conceptualisation of election activism.
This is largely dependent on Zimbabwe’s institutional openness or closedness. To sound equationally institutional, a simple formula to explain the relationship between political institutions and levels of election participation is:
PI = O/C * Awhere PI represents the level of participation in political institutions, O/C represents whether the political institution is open or closed, and A represents the level of political party or associational activism.
When political institutions are open (O), the formula predicts a higher level of participation due to the entry of new social movements and increased competition.
On the other hand, when political institutions are closed (C), the formula predicts a lower level of participation because political parties have a stronger grip on the political system.
The level of political party or associational activism (A) can also have an impact on the level of participation. When there is high activism, it can increase the level of participation regardless of whether the political institution is open or closed.
However, if there is low activism, it can result in lower levels of participation, particularly in closed institutional systems where there are fewer opportunities for alternative voices to be heard.
I might start by defining the key issues that have to be understood by the electorate, political parties, their supporters, and political candidates. These definitions could also assist political and constitutional analysts and election observers or monitors to analyse the election season informedly.
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Political institutions describe the formal and informal rules and practices that govern how a society is organised politically, including government bodies, political parties, and other organisations that shape and implement policies and decisions.
Levels of participation define the degree to which individuals or groups are involved in political processes and decision-making, including voting, activism, and other forms of engagement.
An open institutional system allows for a wide range of participation and input from different groups, including non-traditional actors such as social movements, civil society organisations, and grassroots activists.
A closed institutional system restricts participation and input to traditional actors, such as political parties, government bodies, and established interest groups. In closed systems, there may be limited opportunities for outsiders to influence decision-making or bring about change.
Related to these issues are the four types of activism that I will use in this article. These include protest, associational, consumer and political activism.
Protest activism refers to a collective action taken by a group of individuals to demand social, economic, or political change through public demonstrations, rallies, strikes, and other forms of non-violent or violent protests.
Associational activism refers to a form of activism where citizens join and engage with civil society organisations, such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), community-based organisations (CBOs), trade unions, and other social movements or interest groups, to advocate for their interests, demand accountability, and promote social change.
Consumer activism refers to a form of activism where citizens use their power as consumers to pressure political parties, companies and corporations to change their policies or practices by boycotting their products, manifestos, or services, or through other forms of direct action, such as petitioning, lobbying, or engaging in online campaigns.
Political activism refers to the efforts of individuals or groups to bring about political change or influence government policies and decisions. Political activism can take many forms, including participating in political campaigns, organising protests and rallies, engaging in lobbying and advocacy efforts, and using social media to raise awareness about political issues.
Political activism can be driven by a variety of motivations, including a desire to promote social justice, protect civil liberties, advance a particular political ideology or agenda, or support a specific candidate or political party.
Section 67 of the Constitution protects various political rights including those relating to the formation, association and consuming of political ideas. Related to these rights are freedoms, such as association, expression, movement and petitioning government.
It appears, reading from the political crystal ball, that in Zimbabwe’s current electoral season, political party activism is likely to dominate other forms of activism because the country's political system is relatively closed, with limited space for free expression and association.
Zanu PF, the ruling party, has a tight grip on power, and the government has often responded with creative closedness to any perceived threats to its authority, including protests and civil society activism.
As a result, political parties are often seen as the most viable channel for political engagement and change in the country. The Citizens Coalition for Change, whether interpreted as a coalition of opposition parties and civil society organisations or ‘citizens’, is the main challenger to Zanu PF, but faces significant obstacles in its efforts to mobilise citizens and challenge the ruling party's dominance.
Therefore, political party activism is likely to continue to be the primary mode of political engagement in Zimbabwe in the foreseeable future.
There are key factors that also explain why political party activism in the 2023 elections in Zimbabwe may be different from previous elections. One key factor relates to the changes in political leadership.
Since the last election in 2018, there have been significant changes in political leadership in Zimbabwe, including the removal of former president Robert Mugabe and the rise of President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
These changes may affect the strategies and tactics of political parties and their supporters. The other one is the Covid-19 pandemic. The ongoing pandemic-turned-endemic may have an impact on the conduct of election campaigns, including restrictions on gatherings and travel.
Political parties may need to find new ways of reaching voters and mobilising support. Thirdly, disputes over electoral processes also impact the election season.
The current situation where political parties are concerned with the delimitation report of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), and the MDC-T has approached the Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe to challenge the report, may lead to heightened tensions and political activism around issues of electoral integrity and fairness.
Another issue relates to the current economic challenges. Zimbabwe is facing significant economic challenges, including high inflation, currency instability, and unemployment.
These challenges may shape the political discourse and the issues that political parties and their supporters focus on during the election campaign.
The other key issue is the emergence of new political actors. In previous elections, political parties such as Zanu PF and MDC-T have dominated the political landscape.
However, there has been the emergence of new political actors or movements such as the CCC that may challenge the status quo and disrupt traditional patterns of political activism in Zimbabwe.
Perhaps one might ask me why the other forms of activism are likely to be overshadowed by political activism. Protest activism is affected by a limited political space.
The ruling party in Zimbabwe has a history of using creative force to minimise protests and dissent. With the formation of the Political Actors Dialogue (Polad) platform, there is a perceived reduction in political space for the opposition to organise protests.
This is likely to discourage protest activism, making it less impactful. There could be a risk of violence associated with protesting in Zimbabwe, given the government's closing of spaces that could associate with the generality of citizens such as civil society organisations (CSOs).
This may deter citizens from engaging in protest activism, making it less impactful. Effectively, lack of support from deregistered CSOs have played a critical role in organising protests in Zimbabwe.
Many of these CSOs have been deregistered, reducing the capacity of civil society to mobilise and support protest activism.
Consumer activism is affected by limited economic power. Many Zimbabweans are struggling to make ends meet due to the country's economic challenges.
This reduces their economic power to engage in consumer activism, such as boycotts. In addition, many are not able to afford alternative products or services, making boycotts less impactful.
This is related to limited access to information by rural, peri-urban, and urban dwellers. Many Zimbabweans have limited access to information about products and services.
This limits their ability to make informed choices and participate in consumer activism. This is also linked to the focus on citizen survival. Given the difficult economic situation in Zimbabwe, many citizens are focused on their own survival and that of their families.
This may make them less likely to engage in consumer activism as their immediate needs take precedence.
Associational activism is affected by the limited political space. With the formation of the Polad platform, there has been a perceived reduction in political space for opposition political parties and civil society organisations.
This may make it even more difficult for them to organise and participate in associational activism. The deregistration of CSOs also meant that the government has reduced their capacity to engage in associational activism.
This is also related to the influence of social media. While social media platforms such as Twitter have been used to mobilise support for associational activism in Zimbabwe, the impact of these platforms is limited as they often do not translate into meaningful action on the ground.
In addition, the government has been known to shut down social media during times of political unrest, limiting their effectiveness in mobilising support for associational activism.
Political parties and the generality of citizens, including oversight institutions should thus read the election climate prudently. The character of the electorate is likely to be shaped by the types of activism that are prominent in the lead-up to the 2023 elections in Zimbabwe.
If political party activism dominates, the electorate may be more polarised and divided along party lines, with less room for alternative views or voices. If protest, consumer, and associational activism are less impactful, the electorate may also feel disillusioned and disempowered, with fewer avenues for expressing their political views or holding political leaders accountable.
This could lead to apathy and disengagement from the political process, as well as a sense of resignation that political change is unlikely to come from the existing political institutions.
Beyond unseating or defeating political opponents, this election depends on the political party’s ability to analyse a closed institutional system because under such a system, reading the election climate requires a more nuanced approach since there are limited opportunities for diverse forms of activism.
Political parties and their supporters can creatively read the election climate by analysing the behaviour and rhetoric of political parties, speeches, and public statements to gain insight into their strategies and priorities.
This should go beyond media monitoring of the ‘chaunga/mob politics,’ tracking of economic indicators, or opinion polls.
- Hofisi is a lawyer, conversationalist and trans disciplinary researcher. He has interests in governance and international law. — [email protected]
