CELEBRATED English leftist writer, Owen Jones, wrote a seminal book — The Establishment — a book that shows the intricate connections between the English aristocrats, media moguls and non-governmental organisation (NGO) players who controlled the British governments.
People powerful enough to cause influence in the politics and economy of the island.
Jones also brought a new political term — the revolving door — referring to that the players in the establishment could move from media into government then to NGOs and they could always move easily in the three sectors.
These are the Establishment.
Zimbabwe has its own Establishment — politicians, businessmen and more importantly, the military.
The military over the years has proven to be the cornerstone of the local establishment.
Soldiers move easily from the military to government and business.
They play the merry go round in the State.
In the independence elections, most of the Zanu PF candidates were freedom fighters or nationalists who had crossed the borders to fight for liberation from the racist Rhodesian regime.
Others joined the military or were deployed into parastatals.
Zimbabwe has witnessed the transition of military men entering politics soon after their retirement.
Among the prominent names are Solomon Mujuru, Vitalis Zvinavashe, Claudious Makova, Ambrose Mutinhiri, Kembo Mohadi, Kairo Mhandu, among others.
Post the November 2017 coup, we witnessed the entrance of Constantino Chiwenga, Sibusiso Moyo and Perrance Shiri going straight into Cabinet.
If we add ex-military permanent secretaries and chief executives at parastatals and board members of State-owned enterprises, a clear pattern emerges of the military influence in Zimbabwe’s politics and the economy.
They are the pillar of the establishment.
Succession politics has reared its ugly head again in Zanu PF.
The ruling party has failed to plan its succession and wants to buy time by extending the tenure of the President in office from five years to seven.
Zanu PF has passed two resolutions to that effect at both their Bulawayo and Mutare annual people’s conferences.
There was and still is muted opposition to Constitutional Amendment No. 3 currently before Parliament.
A lot of legal applications have been filed at the Constitutional Court trying to stop the omnibus constitutional amendment.
The courts are still to make a ruling.
However, something significant happened on Thursday.
Retired decorated military officers, war veterans and retired senior civil servants have written to Parliament to stop the nonsense of term lengthening.
Rarely does the real establishment show its face or raise its voice unless there is imminent danger, a crossing of the Rubicon meant to drive the country into unchartered territory.
Like Sibusiso Moyo in November 2017, Retired Air Marshal Henry Muchena has become the face of the establishment opposed to the constitutional amendment without a referendum.
The group wrote: “We write to you today not as rebels, not as dissenters, and not as enemies of the party to which we have given our entire lives.
“We speak as men who were present when this nation was being born in blood and fire, men who commanded comrades to their deaths with a solemn promise — that the people of Zimbabwe would one day govern themselves.
“It is now clear that promise is now under threat. We have in the recent past restrained ourselves and we cannot remain silent.”
This group of men and women did not hold any punches, they just dished it ice cold.
They are against Parliament voting for a president.
“Today, we are being told only a select few in the persons of Members of Parliament will choose a leader on behalf of 17 million Zimbabweans. This is totally unacceptable,” they said.
More importantly, they wove the argument into the liberation struggle and its objectives.
They hit it home.
“The liberation struggle rested on two fundamental pillars: Land, and the universal adult suffrage to vote that is one man, one vote. These were not negotiable then, and they must not be negotiable now,” they emphasised.
The war veterans and ex-servicemen reminded those in power structures: “We are not merely members, we are stockholders. This is our party, forged in our sacrifice.”
This was a killer statement.
This is not the ordinary confrontation from opposition or civil society.
They are part and parcel of the party and the country’s history.
As aforementioned, the establishment rarely comes to the front and when it does it is decisive.
It is interesting that they have chosen to come out.
Will this give impetus to those who are opposed to 2030 agenda?
Could this spur the formation of a broader coalition against the constitutional amendment Bill?
That the government and Zanu PF have not issued a public statement on the entry of retired military men and women speaks volumes.
The party cannot afford to issue a flimsy response.
Most likely, the government is putting pressure on State apparatus to know how big and strong the resistance is before it responds.
The battle lines are clearly drawn in the sand.
The party was warned that it cannot tamper with a national constitution.
“Zanu PF may govern its own internal affairs as it sees fit, that is the party’s sovereign right. But the national Constitution is not Zanu PF’s property. It belongs to every Zimbabwean including the millions who have never held a party card in their lives,” the war veterans and ex-generals roared.
Zimbabwe’s democracy is at crossroads.
The divisions on ideology are clear.
The divisions on the future of the country are stark.
It remains to be seen, who blinks first.
Will Zanu PF buckle under pressure?
Or the military will wilt in the heat of the moment.
Whichever way, this is going to be a long winter in Zimbabwe and the establishment is either entrenched or reconfigured.
I’m out!