THREE years into Sudan’s civil war, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have committed systematic humanitarian violations including mass executions, enforced starvation and widespread sexual violence, with direct military and logistical support from the United Arab Emirates (UAE), according to United Nations (UN) investigators, leaked intelligence and survivor testimonies obtained by this publication.
The conflict, which began in April 2023, has displaced more than 12 million people and created famine conditions across five regions.
But a growing body of evidence points to one external actor as the primary enabler of the RSF’s battlefield strategy: the UAE.
Open-source intelligence and mobile phone tracking data analysed by the Conflict Insights Group (CIG) and shared with international media confirm that the UAE has recruited and deployed Colombian mercenaries to operate advanced weapons systems on behalf of the RSF.
Tracked devices logged into WiFi networks named “ANTIAEREO” (Anti-aircraft) and “ATACADOR” (Attacker) inside RSF command centres in Darfur.
The personnel, former Colombian military officers recruited through a UAE-based security firm led by retired Colonel Alvaro Quijano, have been operating drone warfare systems that allowed the RSF to conduct precision strikes on civilian areas.
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“Without this assistance, the siege, takeover and resulting atrocities would likely not have occurred,” said Justin Lynch, the director for CIG in a briefing to UN officials.
The RSF’s offensive in Darfur, particularly the siege and capture of El Fasher in October 2025, has produced the most severe violations.
A report by the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for the Sudan, released in January 2026, found that RSF operations bear the “hallmarks of genocide” against non-Arab communities, including the Zaghawa and Fur populations.
The mission documented at least seven mass grave sites around El Fasher containing an estimated 1 200 bodies, with satellite imagery confirming ground disturbance consistent with rapid, unmarked burials.
The UN further confirmed that the RSF has deliberately blocked humanitarian aid to non-Arab communities while allowing supplies to reach allied groups, using starvation as a method of warfare.
The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) has confirmed famine in three displacement camps in North Darfur, where one child is dying every six hours from acute malnutrition.
The Fact-Finding Mission also concluded that the RSF committed “crimes against humanity of widespread rape and sexual violence”, using assault as a tool to dismantle community structures.
Inside El Fasher, which fell to RSF control seven months ago, the paramilitary force operates detention centres inside shipping containers and a converted children’s hospital.
The Sudan Doctors Network, which maintains a clandestine reporting system, has documented at least 1 470 civilians currently held, including 370 women and 426 children.
Witness accounts describe routine torture, including electric shocks, mock executions and forced nudity.
“They are not prisoners,” one former detainee told investigators via audio recording obtained by NewsDay Weekender.
“They are hostages waiting to die.”
The UAE has repeatedly denied arming or supporting the RSF.
In a statement to the UN Security Council in December 2025, Emirati officials called the allegations “false and unfounded”, describing their role in Sudan as purely humanitarian.
The UAE has pledged US$100 million in aid and operates a field hospital in Chad for Sudanese refugees.
However, leaked customs documents from 2024 and 2025, reviewed by NewsDay Weekender, show shipments of small arms, night-vision equipment and drone components from Emirati ports to RSF-controlled territories via eastern Chad and northern Darfur.
The serial numbers on recovered RSF weaponry have been traced back to UAE State-owned defence manufacturers, according to a confidential report by a UN panel of experts obtained by Reuters.
The UAE’s strategic interest in Sudan centres on two assets: gold and the Red Sea coast.
The RSF controls most of Sudan’s gold production, with artisanal mines in Darfur and South Kordofan generating an estimated US$1,2 billion annually.
Financial intelligence indicates that raw gold is smuggled through informal networks into Dubai, where it enters global markets.
A 2025 report by the Sentry, an investigative group focused on conflict financing, traced 14 shipments of Sudanese gold to UAE-based refineries since the war began.
Additionally, the UAE seeks long-term control over Sudan’s Red Sea ports, including a proposed military and commercial hub on the coast.
The RSF has privately committed to granting the UAE favourable terms on port development in exchange for continued military backing, according to diplomatic cables leaked from a regional mediator.
The UAE has used its financial and logistical networks to ensure the RSF remains a viable fighting force, prolonging the conflict and blocking a ceasefire.
A complaint filed with the UK Foreign Office in February 2026 named Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the UAE’s vice-president, seeking sanctions under United Kingdom global anti-corruption and human rights regulations.
The complaint alleges that Emirati state entities knowingly facilitated war crimes.
In the United States, the State Department has imposed visa restrictions on RSF commanders and sanctioned three Emirati front companies accused of procuring drone components for the paramilitary group.
However, no sanctions have been levied against UAE leadership directly.
At the International Criminal Court (ICC), prosecutors have confirmed they are expanding their investigation into Sudan to include foreign state actors who provided material support to the RSF during alleged war crimes.
The UAE is not a party to the Rome Statute and has not co-operated with ICC requests for information.
As of May 2026, an estimated 25 million Sudanese — more than half the pre-war population — require humanitarian assistance.
The UN’s US$3,2 billion appeal for Sudan is only 17% funded.