The gazetting of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 has reignited debate over President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s commitment to constitutionalism and his repeated public pledges to serve only two terms.
In a 2018 interview with journalist Christiane Amanpour on CNN, Mnangagwa stated that he would serve only two five-year terms.
Around this time last year year while addressing editors at State House, the 83 year-old reinforced that position, declaring he would “persuade the persuaders not to persuade him” to extend his tenure.
Last week, a bill motivated by a Zanu-PF 2025 resolution to extend Mnangagwa’s tenure was gazetted, raising questions about whether the president was sincere in his constitutionalism pledge.
The proposed amendment seeks to substitute the current five-year presidential term with a seven-year term by amending sections 95, 143, and 158 of the constitution.
Zanu PF has justified the change as a measure meant to “eliminate election mode toxicity and allow sufficient time for project implementation while promoting stability.”
The bill also seeks to take away the electorate’s right to choose the president, who would instead be elected by Members of Parliament sitting jointly as the Senate and the National Assembly.
Clause 12 of the bill proposes to move the function of the delimitation of boundaries from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to the Zimbabwe Electoral Delimitation Commission.
Critics have argued that these changes give excessive power to the executive, which Mnangagwa pledged to guard against when he assumed office following a coup that ousted the late former president Robert Mugabe in 2017.
In his inaugural address after Mugabe’s ouster, Mnangagwa promised a break from Zimbabwe’s violent political past.
“Violence should be alien and vile to our nature, culture and traditions as the Zimbabwean people,” he said.
“All citizens must feel secure.”
However, recent developments have revived concerns about shrinking civic space.
A planned public discussion on constitutional amendments featuring lawyers and politicians, including Fadzayi Mahere, Douglas Mwonzora, and Lovemore Madhuku, was cancelled at the last minute last week, despite reportedly having prior clearance from the Zimbabwe Republic Police.
Reacting on X, former legislator Temba Mliswa took to social media to condemn the cancellation of the event.
“It is indeed regrettable that this event was cancelled despite receiving prior clearance from the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP),” Mliswa said.
“Such a decision appears ill-advised on the part of the relevant authorities, as it creates the perception that the government is apprehensive about allowing discourse on this pressing issue.
“These people and the public are all stakeholders in this matter and should have the opportunity to express their views.
“Consequently, does this cancellation imply that public discourse on the amendment is now off-limits? Such a decision is undeniably counterproductive!”
On Friday, Jameson Timba’s Defend the Constitution Platform was barred from holding a youth meeting in Bulawayo.
A letter signed by one Chief Superintendent L. Zhou, he said: “The office acknowledges receipt of your notification dated 18 February 2025 and has noted your request.
“However, note that your notification does not fully comply with the mandatory provisions of Section 7 (b) of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (Chapter 11:23).”
According to critics, the actions contradict promises of openness and democratic engagement.
Mnangagwa acknowledged in his 2017 inaugural address that Zimbabwe’s politics had become “poisoned, rancorous and polarising,” pledging to foster unity and diversity.
“My goal is to preside over a polity and run an administration that recognises strength in our diversity as a people, hoping that this position and well-meant stance will be reciprocated and radiated to cover all our groups, organisations and communities,” the Zanu PF leader said then.
“We dare not squander the moment. At the end of the day, whatever we do or choose not to do must be intended to benefit all our people.”
Opposition players argued that they have not been afforded a level playing field.
The courts and Parliament’s recognition of an imposter, Sengezo Tshabangu, whose recalls decimated the main opposition’s parliamentary representation, remains a cause of concern among opposition players.
The opposition Citizens Coalition for Change has tried on several occasions in the courts and in Parliament to reclaim the hijacked party from Tshabangu, but state institutions chose rather to listen to the alleged imposter.
Mnangagwa also pledged to confront corruption decisively after taking office
However, Transparency International Zimbabwe’s (TIZ) latest Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) indicates that corruption in Zimbabwe remains persistent.
In a statement, TIZ said: “In line with the 2025 CPI findings and global best practice, TI Zimbabwe calls for urgent action in the following priority areas to reverse persistent corruption trends and restore confidence in governance reforms:
“Regulate undue influence in politics—addressing corruption requires decisive action to curb political interference, opaque political financing, and conflicts of interest.”
The widening gap between struggling public services, particularly in health and education, and displays of unexplained wealth by politically connected elites fuels public outcry.
The collapse of public hospitals, teacher strikes, and the rise of costly private schooling, health, and transport services contrast sharply with images of luxury vehicles and cash handouts by individuals with political ties.
Civil society organisations (CSOs) argued that the legal environment amounts to a tightening of civic space.
The enactment of the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Amendment Act has drawn criticism from local and international watchdogs.
CSOs argued that the law grants authorities powers to deregister organisations, interfere in their governance structures, and monitor funding under the justification of combating money laundering and terrorism financing.
Critics argued that such provisions create an intimidatory effect on human rights advocacy and democratic participation, particularly at a time when debate over constitutional amendments requires open national dialogue.
CSO’s say this move contradicts Mnangagwa’s early reformist messaging following the 2017 coup, when he pledged a “new dispensation” anchored on democratic reforms and engagement with the international community.
Rights groups further argued that instead of broadening participation, the State has increasingly relied on security legislation to regulate assemblies and political meetings.
The continued application of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (MOPA), often cited to block opposition gatherings and civic forums, reinforces concerns about selective enforcement.
Another pledge that continues to shadow Mnangagwa’s willingness to fulfil promises is the commitment to resolve the long-standing Gukurahundi grievances.
The Gukurahundi massacres of the early 1980s, carried out by the Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands, remain one of Zimbabwe’s most painful and unresolved historical chapters.
Mnangagwa also acknowledged the need for dialogue and pledged to address the issue through a community-led process involving traditional leaders.
He indicated that Zimbabweans must confront the past in order to build unity and national cohesion.
However, nearly a decade into his leadership, critics argue that progress has been slow and opaque.
The outreach programme spearheaded through traditional leaders has largely been conducted away from media scrutiny, with limited public reporting on findings, timelines, victim support mechanisms, or pathways to accountability.
Some CSOs and affected community members have raised concerns about transparency, arguing that the absence of independent oversight and restricted media access weakens confidence in the process.
Timba argued that the debate is not about believing Mnangagwa’s word, but constitutional processes.
“The issue before Zimbabwe is not about personal trust in any individual leader,” Timba said.
“Constitutionalism does not depend on belief in personalities.
“It depends on adherence to rules. President Mnangagwa has on several occasions publicly affirmed that he is a constitutionalist and that he would respect the limits set by the Constitution.
“Those statements are welcome. The real test of constitutionalism, however, is not what leaders say, but what the State ultimately does.
“If the constitution is followed, including the requirement that any change affecting the duration of elected office be approved directly by the people, then confidence naturally follows.
“If it is bypassed, then the question ceases to be about promises and becomes one of constitutional legitimacy.”
Political analyst Rejoice Ngwenya questioned the logic behind extending both presidential and parliamentary terms to “get rid of toxicity” amid a deteriorating political and economic environment.
“Why does Zanu-PF want to extend President Mnangagwa’s and the parliamentary term to seven years?” Ngwenya quizzed.
“Zanu PF has been in power since 1980 but we still complain of the same infrastructure and political challenges.
We import cars, food, and billions worth of products that can be manufactured here.
“How will an additional two years of Mnangagwa’s presidency resolve these challenges?
“We do not even have a credible currency of our own. Besides, on several occasions, President Mnangagwa himself said he would not go beyond 2028.”