Zimbabwe presents a rare paradox — a nation reportedly on a growth trajectory, yet one whose citizens and landscapes tell harrowing stories of pain, suffering and extreme endurance. These realities demand urgent intervention before entire generations sink deeper into despair.
The story of 1980 can no longer be told in the same way. The euphoria of independence has long evaporated, replaced by nearly five decades of economic malaise, institutional decay and legendary excess. Corruption has become deeply embedded in public life, allowed to flourish alongside weak institutions. As the cancer of graft spreads, more than 17 million Zimbabweans continue to slide deeper into poverty.
Yet Zimbabwe’s decline is not inevitable. The country possesses some of the world’s most sought-after mineral resources — including gold, platinum group metals, diamonds, lithium and rare earths. In theory, such wealth should anchor prosperity. In practice, the benefits remain concentrated in the hands of a narrow elite and politically-connected individuals. Meanwhile, communities in the countryside endure grinding poverty, even as vast resources are extracted from beneath their soil.
For millions of ordinary citizens, daily life has become a struggle to secure the next meal. There is hope that the government’s push toward local mineral beneficiation, particularly lithium processing, might finally unlock rural industrialisation — long touted as the solution to Zimbabwe’s underdevelopment.
Districts such as Mberengwa in the Midlands province and Bikita in Masvingo have been cited as potential beneficiaries, especially with investment flowing into operations such as Bikita Minerals.
But beyond these aspirations lies a difficult economic reality. Rising informal activity, company closures and widespread downsizing continue to define Zimbabwe’s economic landscape.
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Authorities at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe argue that the Zimbabwe Gold (ZiG) currency — introduced in April 2024 after several failed currency experiments — has stabilised the economy and helped bring inflation down to single digits. Yet contradictions remain glaring. While officials insist ZiG is gaining credibility, many essential transactions — including fuel purchases and passport fees — still require payment in foreign currency.
Statistics from the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZimStat) reveal the scale of the structural crisis. About 76% of the country’s economic activity now takes place in the informal sector, representing roughly US$41 billion of Zimbabwe’s estimated US$54 billion Gross Domestic Product.
In other words, more economic activity occurs outside the formal, regulated economy and beyond the reach of the state’s tax system.
This expansion of informality reflects decades of economic instability and repeated currency collapses. Today, more than 80% of Zimbabwe’s employable population survives through informal activity, including graduates emerging from the country’s universities and colleges.
Wholesale and retail trade dominates the informal sector, accounting for roughly 73% of these activities, particularly street vending. According to ZimStat, 84% of businesses in Zimbabwe are informal, and of these, 94% remain unregistered.
Formal retailers argue that this surge in informality has placed them under severe pressure.
One of the country’s largest retail chains, OK Zimbabwe, has spent nearly two years battling for survival, with directors recently seeking corporate rescue proceedings. Other companies — including Bindura Nickel Corporation, Beta Holdings, Metro Peech and Browne Wholesalers and Khaya Cement — have travelled a similar path in recent years.
Regional supermarket chain Choppies has already exited Zimbabwe, citing a difficult operating environment characterised by policy inconsistency, foreign currency shortages, liquidity challenges and tax pressures.
Against this fragile economic backdrop, the Constitutional Amendment No.3 Bill, currently under public consultation, threatens to introduce further uncertainty.
The Bill has triggered intense debate among civil society groups and pro-democracy organisations, many of whom fear it could be forced through Parliament despite widespread opposition.
If enacted, the proposed law would introduce sweeping changes, including extending Zimbabwe’s electoral cycle from the current five years to seven. Such a move would effectively extend the terms of current presidential, parliamentary and local government office bearers beyond 2028, when they were originally scheduled to end.
The Bill would also significantly alter how the President is elected. Instead of being chosen directly by voters, the head of state would be elected by a joint sitting of the Senate and the National Assembly.
In addition, responsibility for voter registration and maintenance of the voters’ roll would be transferred from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to the Registrar-General’s Office. The Bill also proposes dissolving the Zimbabwe Gender Commission by transferring its functions to the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission.
For many Zimbabweans who already feel excluded from the country’s political and economic decision-making processes, these changes deepen concerns about democratic participation. If the proposed amendments pass, citizens will no longer directly elect the President, whose tenure would simultaneously be extended from five to seven years.
For a population whose hopes and aspirations have repeatedly been dashed, the implications are profound. A small elite continues to enjoy the country’s immense wealth as though it were private property, while millions of citizens remain trapped in cycles of poverty. Zimbabweans continue to dream and hope for a better future. But the question remains: for how long?
Wilson is the founder and leader of the Democratic Official Party.